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Ideas of Will Kymlicka, by Text

[Canadian, fl. 1988, Taught by G.A. Cohen. At the University of Toronto.]

1989 Liberal Individualism and Liberal Neutrality
Conc p.184 Liberals are not too individualistic, because people recognise and value social relations
1990 Contemporary Political Philosophy (1st edn)
2.3.a p.22 The quest of the general good is partly undermined by people's past entitlements
2.3.b p.29 Utilitarianism is not a decision-procedure; choice of the best procedure is an open question
2.4.a p.31 One view says start with equality, and infer equal weight to interests, and hence maximum utility
2.4.a.ii p.135 Teleological theories give the good priority over concern for people
2.4.a.iii p.137 The most valuable liberties to us need not be the ones with the most freedom
2.4.a.iii p.138 The Lockean view of freedom depends on whether you had a right to what is restricted
2.4.b p.32 To maximise utility should we double the population, even if life somewhat deteriorates?
2.4.b p.33 A second view says start with maximising the good, implying aggregation, and hence equality
2.5.b p.42 We shouldn't endorse preferences which reject equality, and show prejudice and selfishness
2.6 p.47 Utilitarianism is no longer a distinctive political position
2.7 p.45 Using utilitarian principles to make decisions encourages cold detachment from people
3.1.b p.54 Liberalism tends to give priority to basic liberties
3.2 p.56 Equal opportunities seems fair, because your fate is from your choices, not your circumstances
3.2 p.57 Equal opportunity arbitrarily worries about social circumstances, but ignores talents
3.3 p.59 Social contract theories are usually rejected because there never was such a contract
3.3 p.65 Utilitarianism is irrational if it tells you to trade in your rights and resources just for benefits
3.3.b.2 p.75 The difference principles says we must subsidise the costs of other people's choices
4.1.a p.95 Libertarians like the free market, but they also think that the free market is just
4.2.c p.124 If everyone owned himself, that would prevent slavery
5.1 p.164 Marxists say justice is unneeded in the truly good community
5.1 p.169 Justice corrects social faults, but also expresses respect to individuals as ends
5.2.a p.171 Marxists say liberalism is unjust, because it allows exploitation in the sale of labour
6.2 p.206 Communitarian states only encourage fairly orthodox ideas of the good life
6.3 p.207 The 'Kantian' view of the self misses the way it is embedded or situated in society
6.3 p.207 The 'Kantian' self steps back from commitment to its social situation
6.4.c p.228 Communitarians say we should pay more attention to our history
7.2.a p.250 Ancient freedom was free participation in politics, not private independence of life
7.2.b p.258 Modern liberalism has added personal privacy to our personal social lives
7.3 p.263 Maybe the particularist moral thought of women is better than the impartial public thinking of men
1993 Community
'Embedded' p.370 Feminism has shown that social roles are far from fixed (as communitarians tend to see them)
'Intro' p.366 Community can focus on class or citizenship or ethnicity or culture
'Intro' p.366 Modern liberals see a community as simply a society which respects freedom and equality
'Intro' p.367 Communitarians see justice as primarily a community matter, rather than a principle
'legitimacy' p.375 Communitarianism struggles with excluded marginalised groups
'legitimacy' p.375 Liberal state legitimacy is based on a belief in justice, not in some conception of the good life
'limits' p.368 Justice resolves conflicts, but may also provoke them
'need' p.373 Participation aids the quest for the good life, but why should that be a state activity?
'social' p.371 Liberals say state intervention in culture restricts people's autonomy
2002 Contemporary Political Philosophy (2nd edn)
7 p.285 Some liberals thinks checks and balances are enough, without virtuous citizens
7 p.288 Good citizens need civic virtues of loyalty, independence, diligence, respect, etc.
7 p.290 Modern democratic theory focuses on talk, not votes, because we need consensus or compromise
7 p.296 Liberals accept that people need society, but Aristotelians must show that they need political activity
7 p.297 We have become attached to private life because that has become greatly enriched
7 p.300 Minimal liberal citizenship needs common civility, as well as mere non-interference
7 p.301 Modern non-discrimination obliges modern citizens to treat each other as equals
7 p.304 The right wing sees citizenship in terms of responsibility to earn a living, rather than rights
8 p.328 The welfare state helps to integrate the working classes into a national culture
8 p.329 Rights are a part of nation-building, to build a common national identity and culture
8 p.329 Some individuals can gain citizenship as part of a group, rather than as mere individuals
8 p.333 The status hierarchy is independent of the economic hierarchy
8 p.334 Rights derived from group membership are opposed to the idea of state citizenship
8.1 p.337 Some multiculturalists defended the rights of cohesive minorities against liberal individualism
8.2 p.339 'Culturalist' liberals say that even liberal individuals may need minority rights
8.2 p.340 Multiculturalism may entail men dominating women in minority groups
8.2 p.840 Liberals must prefer minority right which are freedoms, not restrictions
8.3 p.344 Liberals must avoid an official culture, as well as an official religion
8.3 p.347 Liberals need more than freedom; they must build a nation, through a language and institutions
8.4 p.352 Why shouldn't national minorities have their own right to nation-build?
8.4 p.359 In a liberal democracy all subjects of authority have a right to determine the authority
8.6 p.369 Multiculturalism is liberal if it challenges inequality, conservative if it emphasises common good